Monday, 7 July 2014

Phonemania


On the day after Christmas, I received a phone call at 3 am (Switzerland time). I stood up half-asleep and confused. I took the call, but the person had already hanged up. I saw in the receiver the code for Laos (856...) and a couple of days later, I called the number and found out who it was: Deejay, one of the former students at the school where I worked. We have occasionally exchanged some emails and I am always surprised by the improvements he has made with English and IT stuff. Back in 2011, he barely knew what was Internet about. Now, he also has a Facebook account and has befriended my husband. Upon his insistence, I gave him my telephone number last time we met. I explained him it was rather expensive to place an international call, but he promised he would only call in case of emergency.

As I suspected, there was no urgency; he only wanted to wish me a happy Christmas. We both laughed about the incident; he had no idea about the time difference. I told him I would soon be back in Laos and that I would like to hear about his first semester doing law. Deejay is 19 years old and is one of the few kids from a rural milieu who have managed to pursue his aspiration of going to university, albeit not without great difficulty for his family, who had to pay his way through --bribes (and/or family networks) are a frequent "solution" to the obstacles for access in the government-led education system. 

During New Year's, Deejay sent me this email:

From: deejay phet <deejay.phet@gmail.com>
Date: 31. Dezember 2013 09:33:10 GMT+7
To: Gilda Senties Portilla <gildasenties@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: more pictures...

Dear  Gilda how are you ? Happy New year !!!!!! For new year I wish you and your family have new thing and new life . good luck to come to Lao again!!!! In the New year i wish I want to have Iphone 4 because my phone proken !!! hahaha just funy Welcome to Lao 2014 I miss you soooo much My exam is good Dear ....

He was not completely kidding about the iPhone. For other young people his age, acquiring cash to purchase smart phones or imitation versions of iPhone is a frequently expressed desire, and many, even those with low family incomes, act upon it. This time around, within the lapse of only one day, I coincidentally heard or had conversations with village youngsters, who have recently bought a new phone or whose short-term objective is to find a salaried job so they can buy one. Most of these teenagers are still engaged in subsistence farming with their families, but most have been exposed to salaried work at either the plantations in their villages, in towns or villages in other Laotian provinces, or elsewhere in Thailand. When not employed for farming tasks, men are mostly engaged with construction work; and women are usually employed as domestic workers (cleaners, cookers) for families or private companies. In most instances, migration is temporary for these youngsters often express a feeling of homesickness for their village life, which is described as "easier". While indeed working for one own's family farm does not require inspection of working hours/days nor rendering an expected (instructed) outcome, having a salary has led to some financial autonomy --as they can decide how much money they will keep for themselves and what they will do with it. For some youngsters, especially the eldest sons and daughters, this autonomy might be constrained due to structural conditions of poverty and other social norms, which make them feel responsible for their parents and/or younger siblings. Yet, in most cases, having a salary has meant that they can satisfy some of their personal desires, which are frequently short-term and mostly associated to the acquisition of consumer goods. Performances of autonomy are played out in a social setting where interactions with other peers inform and influence their consumption choices. In all villages I've visited in southern Laos, this has resulted in a lifestyle where certain symbols and items of modernity are placed at the top of the 'wanting list'. One of these items is the smart phone.

Situation No. 1
This January (2014) I went to visit other former students in their village. Two of them, Mr. Een and Mr. Joy, were at home that day and they joined me on the search of Ms. Sout, who was working at her family's farm, situated farther away from the village. We drove our motorbikes through a narrow and bumpy 4-kilometer dirt road, surrounded by uncountable rows of rubber trees from the Yao Tien plantation. I kept on wondering whether we would finally reach a clearing from where to devise any sort of farming land. Finally, we arrived. Her farming land was breathtaking. It was like arriving into an oasis: a little spot that has managed to keep some life, varieties of green, sunlight and water, just a few steps away from a gigantic rubber shadowy desert. Her family's three-hectare land is right next to the river. On the other side of the river, there is a patch of secondary forest. Her land includes a rice paddy field, a garden for seasonal vegetables and a small house to rest, cook and eat. As all families in the area, their diet is complemented by non-timber forest products: edible plants, seeds, roots, bamboo shoots, wild fruits, vegetables, fish and whichever animals they can find in the remaining forest (usually small rodents, as bigger animals are rarely found these days). 

As we stare and admire Sout's land, Bo Hu, who had come with me, cuts a bunch of leaves and starts eating them. He shares some with me (quite tasty), and then expresses in amazement: "This land is very good; they have found a good place here". I ask Sout's mother whether the rubber company has tried to claim this land as well. She thinks they cannot, and will not do it, because they have certificates for it and have paid taxes. We all sit inside the farm house and catch up while preparing some food. When I ask Een and Joy what they have been up to, they tell me last year they went to work together for a company in Savanakhet province. Joy was making bricks; Een was digging holes for water pumps. They were both engaged for only one month. Joy was expecting to earn around 1 million kip per month, but his salary was based on how many bricks he could produce and the machine went broken for a week. In the end, Joy earned around 800,000 kip, and Een got 1 million kip.

PARENTHESIS
1 million kip per month = 125 USD
1 bag of sticky rice (50 kilos) costs 240,000 kip = 30 USD
According to a family of 8 members (2 parents, 6 children), they need about 2.5 rice bags per month, 600,000 kip = 75 USD
Sticky rice is for Laotians what corn is for Mexicans.
END OF PARENTHESIS

I ask Een and Joy whether they gave the money to their families. Joy smiles and takes out a phone from his pocket. "I bought this... (giggles)... it costed 600,000 kip". He gave the rest to his family --a household of 6 members. Een bought jeans and t-shirts worth 300,000 kip and gave the remainder to his (slightly larger than Joy's) family. He wishes that next time he can also buy a "cool phone" but he knows his family is in need of the money. Joy stated his parents were not mad at him when he showed them his new phone: "They said it was up to me". From other conversations I have held with parents, I have come to realise that most are hopeful but do not expect that their children will support them with the money they get from salaried work. The output of the labour they provide within their household farming is shared by all, but their salaries are theirs and they can therefore decide. Comparatively speaking, unmarried daughters usually give more of their salaries to their families, and on a more frequent basis, than unmarried sons do.

Situation No. 2
A good while into our conversation, I notice Sout's husband, Vilay, has been filming us. 

PARENTHESIS
Sout was about 16 years old when she got married in 2012. I have always thought she looked younger than that, but who knows... What is certain is that she did not want to get married, but her parents were socially bound and seemed to need the money that the groom's family offered (another long story). Vilay was about 19/20 years old. On my last visit, they did not look unhappy to me.
END OF PARENTHESIS

Vilay is holding a phone in front of his face and he is smiling at us. Bo Hu asks if he can see the phone; he stares at it and says: "I want to have the same!" Sout and Vilay had recently changed their old phone because it was broken: "My husband's brother works in Thailand and last time he came for a visit, he gave us his old phone; he bought a new one for him". With this precious gift, they could not only take pictures, but also make and see videos, download larger music files from the Internet (it is accesible at a fairly cheap price using their simcards), and transfer files using Bluetooth. Then, I started thinking I must be aging or totally averse to IT stuff, for I know half of the things they know about these smart phones. I tell them: "You see, I still have the same phone for two years now, it is even more broken than before but it still works". They stare at it with surprise: "You still have the same!" They all laugh, then they say the reason why it probably still works is obvious: "a real iPhone must be so good that even broken, it works". Since that day, Bo Hu has systematically asked me to consider buying a new iPhone, so that I can give my old one to him. Everyday, we laugh about it, but I know he is serious behind the joke. 

Situation No. 3
On our way back to Pakse, I found out that Lum, who still is staff at the school (hence former colleague of mine), was in Pakse showcasing some organic products as part of a project that the school has with another NGO. We meet and chat in a restaurant, where she tells me her recent marriage is not going as expected. 

PARENTHESIS
Since I met her in 2011, Lum has been fiercely wanting to get married. With 22 years of age (at that time), people in her village considered her already too old for marriage.  She “got lucky” and got married in November last year.  
END OF PARENTHESIS

A month ago she had a fight with her husband that ended up violently. There is a bruise in her left eye that is still visible. Before I can express my reaction, she abruptly redirects the conversation into an unexpected topic. She rapidly mentions that since her husband has also broken her phone during the fight, she had gone buying a new one. "Look!" She takes it out of her purse and displays it proudly. Bo Hu, who is with us, smiles but has a gaze of disappointment. His facial expression is somewhere between feeling pity for her situation and/or frustrated to be the only one around without a new phone. 

She starts showing me some of the pictures she has taken with it: photos of her with different hairdos, with make-up and posing; she looks very different from the shy girl that I know. There are also some pictures of Thai soap opera actors and actresses. "I spent almost a month's salary to buy this... but I don't care... I really wanted to buy it. I also wanted to make him angry". For her, buying an expensive new phone with their shared household income accounted for some sort of revenge. She paid for it 800,000 kip, which means they only had around 400,000 kip in cash to get by for one month. For the time being, her husband does not have a salaried job; both of them do farming in a small plot of land. I do not enquire on her plans to finish secondary school, which was what she had told me last time I saw her.

Certain judgmental thoughts invade my mind: Why she did not act on her education plans? Why not saving for that instead? Why not buying a cheaper phone? I remain silent and come to realise that the aspiration that weighted more for her was getting married and follow the lifestyle that many other peers in her situation (with a regular or temporary salaried job) are fulfilling. For most rural Lao and non-Lao women (ethnic minorities), marriage entails a new chapter in their lives where the continuation of studies is not considered. A common reply I get from women in the villages on whether studying is or has been one of their 'wants' throughout their life (and whether it can be achieved) is: "Yes, but I am already married" or "Yes, but I will get married soon". This comes to reify previous scholarly and empirical work (Appadurai 2004, Marcours and Vakis 2009, Ibrahim 2010) in which social structures and norms are decisive in the formation and attainment of individual aspirations. In certain contexts these norms come before anything else. But even then, as other changes sweep in, spaces for negotiated positions gradually arise, as is the case with consumption and other non-traditional roles and behaviour.

To conclude: please check out this video, entitled “Girl iPhone 5” (URL below). I would say it is an exaggerated version of reality, but according to Bo Hu, not so far from it.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yl6CC6Q68TU



   

Wednesday, 2 July 2014

Flash Intro to Contemporary Land Issues in Laos


Several regions in Laos provide a very good example of J. Scott’s Zomia: uncontrolled, unmeasured territories and peoples, despite the many efforts of various (pre/post) colonial State agents throughout history. Let me illustrate this with one piece of the past. Only two decades ago, Laos had a socialist economy. It’s not that farmers in remote rural areas –who still account for 80% of the population– knew exactly what ‘socialist’ was all about. Some of these farmers might have even fought in the 'liberation war', but very few ex-soldiers I've met can truly explain their involvement from an ideological conviction --"I joined because I wanted to be a soldier", "I supported America because they paid us more", "I changed sides when I noticed America was going to lose". Anyhow, when the Pathet Lao took over in 1975, the multi-ethnic nation was directed into a short-lived collectivisation. For the government, the creation of farming cooperatives made perfect sense for food self-sufficiency and the progress of all, regardless of ethnicity. Propaganda was used to increase support, but the slow-paced State interventions did not really modify the ways of living of the majority of ethnic groups. The communist state remained “precariously seated on top of a relatively autonomous, largely natural economy” (Evans 1988: 32), where farmers basically carried on with their household-based subsistence farming, just as they (their parents and grandparents) had done it before. More than the cooperatives, what is possibly the greatest imprint in peoples' understandings and memories of the time was a period of relative stability after many years of turmoil.

When the socialist project admitted economic (albeit not political) defeat –a confession made public in 1985 by Party Secretary-General Kaysone Phomvihane–, a multi layer of State market-oriented policies in the early 1990’s started making peoples' "art of not being governed" (in Scott's terms) truly untenable. Foreign investment, particularly in land, has rushed in and goes quite unregulated. There is a novel and fast-spreading icon in the rural landscape, which is becoming ever-present in rural livelihoods and peoples' experiences: they are called "land concessions" in most reports and scholarly work on Laos. People in Laos refer to them as borisat (companies). 

This phenomenon is not exclusive of Laos; for the past decade many other countries in the 'global south' have increasingly been targeted by what is also termed as "land grabbing", especially after the world food crisis. There is a lot that has been written on transnational land deals, but probably not enough for policy-makers to take effective regulatory action with regards to all the negative consequences for peoples and the environment that have been documented worldwide. However, there is another side of the story that has yet to be acknowledged: the many contradictions met on the ground, especially among the younger generations. 

You will probably imagine that what I am about to document in the upcoming entries will give you the blues. For the most part, I am sure it will. But I hope it will also push you into reflection. The stories I intend to present here cannot be placed in black or white boxes. Personally, what puzzles me is that, despite much hardship, Laotian farmers are experiencing agrarian change in ways that are not necessarily averse to it. Their own understandings and interpretations of 'modernity' and 'improvement' is quite telling of the manner they handle and cope with the extremely fast transformations their lives have been subjected to.  And, against all odds, this observation is also applicable to certain changes brought by land concessions. Before the above is read as if I am on the side of the State or dodgy corporate plans (misinterpretations that often arise when audiences forget to keep a critical open mind or tend to romanticise certain "untouched" territories), Iet me clarify: While most of the people I have met and talked to are not opposed to change towards what they themselves define as a 'better life', they slightly hint at the wish of being capable of deciding how change unfolds, especially with regards to their land. The majority of peoples in Laos have not had a stake in such how, but the reasons are as varied and complex as are the outcomes.